Institutions · Measure 1.07

Measure 1.07 — Halving the number of departmental councillors

Departments are territorial authorities administered by elected councils. The chapter rebuilds the measure without confusing a policy target with a demonstrated net saving.

Reducing seats without abolishing departments

Local government combines two realities that must be kept separate: a political assembly that decides and an administration that delivers responsibilities. Reducing elected members or abolishing a body does not automatically erase roads, schools, transport, social policy, planning or local services. As long as a responsibility remains, its budget follows the authority that takes it over.

Departments are territorial authorities administered by elected councils. Their representation is based on cantons and gender-balanced two-person tickets. Reducing seat numbers therefore requires changes to the cantonal map and, depending on the chosen scenario, electoral law. [2][3]

The right tool is therefore not a percentage applied to total local spending but an ownership matrix: for every responsibility, who decides before and after, which staff transfer, which contracts follow, which political-governance costs disappear and which costs arise elsewhere? Without that matrix, a reform can display a reduction in one budget while recreating the same expenditure in another.

Costing status. The Plan historically associates this measure with 180 million euros per year. The number is retained as an audit target, never as a secured saving.

The law leaves room on chamber size

The Constitution guarantees free administration through elected councils but does not set the number of departmental councillors. Parliament therefore has room to change electoral architecture, subject to equality of suffrage and population representation. Cantonal redistricting must implement the new rule using published criteria. [1]

The legal vehicle shown in the historical corpus remains a reference point, but it is not copied without review. The chapter uses the level of law actually required: Constitution, organic law, ordinary statute, decree, chamber rule or management decision. This hierarchy matters because a misclassified reform can waste months in an unnecessary procedure or become legally fragile because an instrument of insufficient rank was chosen.

Visual reference — from legal change to net outcome. Each step must produce verifiable evidence; a missing step remains an assumption.
Current lawActual perimeterNew organisationTransferred chargesNet result

Each step must produce verifiable evidence; a missing step remains an assumption.

The real choice concerns cantons and the voting system

A 50% reduction must specify whether the gender-balanced pair is retained while the number of cantons is halved, or whether the voting system changes. Retaining the pair preserves structural parity and simplifies reform, but greatly increases the geographic and demographic size of each canton. Simulations must therefore be territorial. [1][2]

Implementation should be written before the rule takes effect: starting position, target rule, responsible authority, date, temporary exemptions, data to publish and control mechanism. The historical lead is Parliament / Interior, but the same actor should not produce all figures and certify its own result. A second line of review — Parliament, Court of Accounts, inspectorate, court or open data — must be able to reproduce the calculation.

Reproducibility is central to the Delta-Sierra approach. Readers should be able to move back from the conclusion to the starting data, understand assumptions and identify what still depends on a political choice. A reform can be ambitious without pretending all of its parameters are already known.

What €180 million would have to contain

The €180 million target must be restricted to truly variable costs: allowances, expenses, group resources and support directly proportional to seats. Departmental services responsible for social protection, schools, roads or dependency do not disappear because the assembly has fewer members. Redistricting and electoral transition costs must also be included. [2][3]

Recurring net saving = genuinely removed costs − recreated costs − transferred charges − recurring residual cost Year-one transition cost is published separately.

The calculation must distinguish a voted budget, executed expenditure and an assumption. An appropriation is not always fully spent; executed expenditure is not always avoidable; a behavioural estimate does not carry the same confidence as audited accounts. The final report should therefore assign a confidence level to each component and publish a range where the evidence does not support greater precision.

The Institutions block also contains strong interactions. Reducing parliamentarian numbers automatically affects some staff credits; abolishing a body may reduce support functions already counted elsewhere; capping pay can affect an allowance addressed by another measure. The financial ledger must assign every cash flow to one unique owner so double counting is impossible.

Organising a reviewable redistricting

The reference timetable has four stages. Stage 1 — zero baseline: freeze headcount, contracts, allowances, property, services, legal texts and indicators before reform. Stage 2 — rule and preparation: adopt the instrument, publish instructions and adapt systems. Stage 3 — transition: allow commitments to expire or transfer while respecting rights and service continuity. Stage 4 — stabilisation: measure a full twelve months on a constant perimeter.

Transition is not a footnote. It can include compensation, staff mobility, redistricting, IT adaptation, contract termination, property reassignment or training. Those costs belong in the dashboard because a reform with a high initial cost may still be worthwhile if recurring savings repay it; the reverse is also true.

Territorial proximity as a success test

Cantons twice as large may reduce proximity to residents and increase travel. A smaller assembly can simplify some deliberation, but not at the cost of illegible representation. Constituency resources and response times to residents should therefore be monitored. [1]

A serious objection is used to design a safeguard. For Halving the number of departmental councillors, at least three indicator families should therefore be published: an institutional or service indicator, a budget indicator and a risk indicator. If savings rise while quality collapses, the measure is not validated. If quality improves but cost is merely shifted, it is not validated either.

A review clause should be built in from the start. Twelve to eighteen months after stabilisation, Parliament or the designated controller should compare target, actual outcome and unintended effects. Deviations are not a documentary failure: they are precisely the information needed to correct a reform rather than preserve a figure that has become unrealistic.

Who decides what on the day after reform?

On the day the reform takes effect, no responsibility should be ownerless. The file therefore needs a functional map of decisions: who votes, who signs, who pays, who employs, who owns the data and who answers to users. This map matters more than a decorative organisation chart because it immediately reveals functions that have been abolished, those merely moved to another tier, and those requiring new support.

Financial control should follow the same logic. For each expense claimed as removed, the validator searches for its reappearance elsewhere in the public sector. Staff transfers, compensation grants, service agreements, shared IT systems and new travel costs are particularly important. A local saving is consolidated nationally only if the cost has not been recreated in another public administration.

Finally, the reform should measure real proximity: response times, distance to constituency access, number of interlocutors, turnout, diversity of candidates and opposition capacity. These indicators prevent democratic quality from being reduced to a unit cost per elected member and allow thresholds to be adjusted where particular territories are disproportionately harmed.

The territorial matrix that must accompany the legislation

A local-assembly reform should begin with a territorial baseline: number of elected officials concerned, population band, executive functions, allowances actually paid, seconded staff, group resources, premises, travel and replacement rules. Without that matrix, a national average can mislead because municipalities, departments and regions have different responsibilities and cost structures.

The second column of the matrix describes what happens to competencies and political work. A function attached to a removed position must be stopped, automated, pooled or taken over by another body; it cannot vanish from the calculation merely because the seat disappears. Transfers of activity should therefore be costed with their human and material resources so that an apparent saving is not financed by new spending elsewhere.

The third component is democratic. Seat numbers, representation of sparsely populated territories, presence of opposition groups and proximity to residents need before-and-after indicators. A robust territorial reform therefore publishes the financial gain, transferred costs and representation effects together instead of reducing the debate to one amount.

What must be demonstrated before retaining the 180 million euros per year target

The 180 million euros per year figure remains the Plan’s historical target here, not a budget receivable that has already been secured. To turn it into a bookable saving, the impact file should publish line by line: executed baseline expenditure, the share that can legally and operationally disappear, the year of disappearance, transition cost, expenditure taken over elsewhere and stabilised net saving. Where evidence is missing, the cell should remain open rather than being filled with an invisible assumption.

The proposed operational lead — Parliament / Interior — should provide that reconciliation in a reusable format with source documents and formulae. External reviewers must be able to reproduce the calculation without requesting additional confidential material, or identify precisely which protected data are indispensable. The final number may therefore be lower, higher or temporarily zero: Delta-Sierra’s first requirement is traceability of the result and the absence of double counting with other measures in the block.

Conclusion for measure 1.07. The historical target of 180 million euros per year remains an objective to audit. The reform should be credited only with the net saving actually observed after transition, transferred expenditure and any recreated costs. The policy choice may be made before every amount is known; the site itself must never present an assumption as executed expenditure.
Open the technical appendix: evidence required before validating the costing
Technical appendix — minimum control grid for measure 1.07
StageExpected evidenceTimingTreatment
Zero baselineExecuted expenditure, headcount, contracts, allowances, property and directly related resourcesBefore legislationPublish
Avoidable perimeterLines that genuinely cease, with date and legal basisImpact assessmentJustify
TransitionMobility, compensation, redistricting, IT, contracts and transfersYear 1Separate from recurring
Transferred costsExpenditure taken over by another administration or tierYears 1–2Deduct
Net resultRecurring saving on a constant perimeter with confidence levelAfter 12 stable monthsAudit